26 January 2016

FILM OF THE MONTH: BEASTS OF NO NATION

BEASTS OF NO NATION


This Netflix original film tells the story of Agu, a young boy from West Africa who is forced to survive after civil war ravages his country. Agu is then indoctrinated into a rebel military faction and becomes a child solider. While Agu fears his commander and many of the men around him, his fledgling childhood has been brutally shattered by the war raging through his country. Based on the 2005 book by Uzodinma Iweala.




Decolonizing Culture

THE DECOLONIZER
January 2016

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HUMANIZATION OVER DOMINATION

“We had fed the heart on fantasy,
The heart’s grown brutal from the fare.”
-William Butler Yeats

By Taylor Graham


Humanization is the original vocation of the people, affirms Paulo Friere in his formative text, "Pedagogy of the Oppressed.” Conversely, dehumanization is a distortion of this practice of becoming more fully human. For Freire, however, this does not make dehumanization any less real, for dehumanization is a historical fact. The practice of dehumanizing and the state of being dehumanized stem from an unjust order. In this climate of dehumanization, Freire proposes his pedagogy for the oppressed, a method of humanizing through which "the oppressed liberate themselves and their oppressors as well” (44). Freire’s path for illuminating and changing reality can be criticized as overly idealistic, and, in fact, the author admits as much, affirming that his pedagogical approach stems from his "trust in the people” (40). Yet, the process of becoming, as outlined by Freire, serves as a method for restoring humanity in the structure of domination that exits today in the United States.

In his preface to Frantz Fanon’s “Wretched of the Earth,” Jean-Paul Sartre named North America the “super-European monstrosity” and anointed what exists there as “racist humanism,” for "the European has only been able to become a man through creating slaves and monsters” (Fanon 26). Here we have a complication to the traditional notion that humanization within the colonial situation exists in a binary: on one side, the oppressor holds all of the humanity stolen from the oppressed, who exist at the other end of the pole, dehumanized.

Sartre suggests the humanity of the oppressor is distorted, wretched and impure in the ways in which it was obtained and maintained. Freire, it seems, would agree that "no one can be authentically human while he prevents others from being so” (85). This stands on a premise that one is not born fully human, but gains humanity "through humanizing actions that, in turn, affirm men and women as beings in the process of becoming”—that they are unfinished and so then is their reality (84). In terms of the United States, two different realities emerge, both resulting in dehumanization: humanity stolen from the oppressed by systems of domination, and a distorted humanism gained by the oppressors through the same structures.

Historic oppression pervades within the United States and affects its citizens in widely different ways. The experience of the indigenous community varies from that of the black community, which differs greatly from that of the white community. Therefore, it is important to make clear that humanity in the United States has historically been stolen from marginalized communities through domination. To deny suffering to anyone or to measure one’s pain against another’s is to deny the other their humanity, and withholding humanity from the other is inherently destructive and dehumanizing to the individual doing the refusing. Therefore, each individual in the United States experiences a wretched form of humanism as a result of the country’s dominating structures.

In its international dealings, the United States has created itself in the "image of a monster” and continues to exist in the midst of its colonial domination. It has risen to such hegemonic power that it might as well have enslaved the entire world, as it continues to enslave and dehumanize those who are lashed to its systems internally. If the colonizer "owes the fact of his very existence to the colonial system,” the United States owes its humanity to the colonization of its land and its continued imperial domination in far corners of the globe.

This false humanity is solidified, in part, because the United States exists as an ahistorical society. It is apparent to those who study the brief and violent history of the United States that a very small faction of its population has constructed its history. This alienates a large portion of the country’s population from its history, an act that dehumanizes those who are excluded. It also separates those writers of history from a truthful historical reality because they have engaged in a process of mythicization. The narrative of the United States has been obfuscated to a degree that no one could name themselves within a truly historical reality, a necessary requirement for someone to exist as a full human, according to Freire.

Freire suggests that the act of humanizing is a collaborative process that takes place through the "naming of the world,” or the defining of reality. Naming the world, for Freire, means gaining the understanding of one’s realistic place in the world in order to transform reality and liberate oneself. He insists that banal monologue and mechanical action bookend the struggle for greater humanity. Hence, his course for regaining humanity takes a path between these two extremes. His process of naming the world takes place in partnership through the act of dialogue, which finds balance between "action and reflection.” In its authentic form, dialogue, as "an encounter between men, mediated by the world,” has the power to transform reality. Through the process of naming the world in dialogue, of revealing it, the various limit situations presented by the colonial superstructure are faced. Dialogue becomes the method for gaining political consciousness and, in a truly revolutionary sense, becomes difficult and painful work.

On his deathbed in Washington D.C., Frantz Fanon lamented that "Americans are not engaged in dialogue; they still speak monologues.” It is true that the very same conditions, which have led to the dehumanization of the people of the United States, also hinder their ability to dialogue effectively and authentically with one another. According to Freire, dialogue requires certain preconditions, notably: humility, faith and a profound love for the world and for people, which is impossible within the structure of domination in the United States.

Yet, there exists a chance for fostering Feirian dialogue in the United States. That chance at dialogue, which in turn is our main hope for renaming a world of domination, resides in love. For Freire, love is the perpetual force animating all processes of liberation. True love takes one outside of oneself into dialogue with the world, and is anti-individualistic at its core. It requires an encounter with the other, and inspires both oppressor and oppressed to exist beyond what the system has given them and has told them to be. This process of loving in order to dialogue serves as our only hope to rename the world in which we are dominated. To love is to meet domination with optimism. Such love does not constitute a naïve, Utopian faith in the future; rather, it indicates a form of active, uncompromising hope in the possibilities of what humans can do in dialogue with each other.

In the face of oppressive domination that has stratified the United States, love, containing a powerful faith in people and the world, is the only hope for liberation. The revolutionaries "must [affirm] their love of life” because it is love that will guide them and exist as the reason they struggle.




Taylor Graham

THE DECOLONIZER
January 2016

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22 January 2016

EID IS ACROSS THE RIVER

by Jie Wu


"Boatman Crossing the River" by Jie Wu


1.


It’s almost Eid, I thought to myself: I need to go across the river and visit the teachers and students at Talimi Haq School. The school is a non-formal educational center run by Howrah Pilot Project in an industrial workers’ settlement, populated mostly by Muslim households, in the city of Howrah, India. Here, students and volunteer teachers address each other as sister and brother, using the Urdu terms “baji”(sister) and “bhai”(brother).

A few days ago, Amina baji had invited me to school for the upcoming Eid-al Fitr festival. Eid, also known as the "Feast of Breaking the Fast,” celebrates the completion of – the twenty-nine or thirty-day period of fasting from dawn to sunset undertaken by many Muslim residents in Priya Manna Basti, where Talimi Haq School is located. During Eid celebrations, people eat special foods, wear new clothes, offer prayers, share gifts between friends and family and go to attend Eid fairs.

In 2014, I had the chance to celebrate Eid with the students and teachers at Talimi Haq School. For more than six months, I had been working as a volunteer English teacher and researcher there. As a researcher, I looked into how residents from Howrah and Kolkata (cities on opposite sides of a river) related to the river Hooghly (also known as the Ganga, or Ganges) that flows in between. I had hoped to be able to grasp the complex relationships between people and the Hooghly river in the contemporary context of globalization. I alternated my time between the roles of researcher and English teacher in the school.

After three months of difficult research work, I had hit a major wall. I started questioning myself and the motivations behind my research. Would my work at all benefit the students and teachers of Talimi Haq School? Sometimes the answer seemed to be no, and so I dedicated more time and effort towards my other role as an English teacher in the school. I thought that perhaps I could contribute more to the students by teaching them English rather than selfishly collecting data for my personal study and possible publication.

It was during my short stint as an English teacher in Talimi Haq School that I came to realize that I was infected with a dangerous syndrome – the White Man’s burden. This syndrome can be described as a seemingly selfless desire (in reality being selfish because it is a personal desire) to "civilize" and save the non-white peoples from their perceived savagery and ignorance.

The British novelist and poet, Rudyard Kipling, popularized this term after writing the poem "White Man’s Burden: The United States and the Philippine Islands”. In this poem, Kipling called upon the U.S. to take on the burden of empire, similar to what Britain and other European nations had done, in order to civilize and save the non-white peoples, whom he referred as "your new-caught, sullen peoples, half-devil and half-child.” Although I am not "white", I could see that my privileges as a Chinese American, brought up and educated in Portugal and later in the U.S., led me to becoming infected with the White Man’s burden syndrome.

I arrived in India proudly armed with a Cambridge TEFL (Teaching English as a Foreign Language) certificate. I thought that this English teaching certificate and my previous experience as an English tutor for a literacy NGO made me more than qualified for the new teaching assignment at Talimi Haq School. I saw myself as the foreign teacher who would "save" the students from their chronic English learning problems. Direct in-field experience quickly proved to me how unqualified and untrained I was to teach the students at the school. For instance, my inability to speak Hindi or Urdu, communication failures and cultural differences made it very difficult for me to teach the students at this center. I also saw how local teachers could teach the students in a much more efficient, sustainable and culturally specific way than I could. I was humbled and thus began my ongoing effort to cleanse myself of the disease of the White Man’s burden.

My teaching experience at Talimi Haq School taught me about how there was nobody and nothing at all within my sense of ‘I’ – the egotistical teacher, to "save."

It was only my mind that urgently needed to be saved from its teacher-and-savior complex, something ingrained in the global system of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism. English teaching, if not carefully and consciously undertaken, is a powerful tool of submission, domination and colonization of non-English speaking peoples, which in most cases also means non-White people. After slowly discerning the imperialism of English teaching, I took up the role of an assistant to the local teachers and helped them in whichever ways I could. I observed that the change in my attitude made it easier for me to get along with the other teachers, but I could still sense there was some kind of gap or invisible barrier that prevented me from fully understanding and connecting with the teachers and students of the school. I thought about this often. I would ask myself: What it is that separates me from the students and teachers at Talimi Haq School? Is it language, culture, class, caste, gender, privilege or religion that pushes us away from each other?

As time flowed by like the river Hooghly these existential questions lay unanswered in my consciousness. After a nine-month stay in India, doing research and English teaching, I returned in December 2014 to visit my family in Lisbon, Portugal. Back in Lisbon, the memories of India being with the teachers and students of Talimi Haq School kept returning to me. I tried suppressing them but all my efforts were in vain. What it is that separates me from the students and teachers at Talimi Haq School? Is it language, culture, class, caste, gender, privilege or religion that pushes us away from each other?

Continue to Part 2 here.

To support the project that Talimi Haq School is currently undertaking led by the local teachers, please visit their Indiegogo page here.



Jie Wu

THE DECOLONIZER
January 2016

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19 January 2016

BOOK OF THE MONTH: THE COLONIZER AND THE COLONIZED

Albert Memmi


A timeless classic in the study of colonialism, this ground breaking work by Albert Memmi explores the physical and physiological relationship between the colonizer and the colonized. First published in 1957, this book was confiscated by colonial police around the world. Memmi captures perfectly the contradictions of the colonial relationship and offers no escape for the two protagonists other than the complete end of the colonial situation.




Decolonizing Culture

THE DECOLONIZER
January 2016

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18 January 2016

BRIEF HISTORIES: THE PUERTO RICAN NATIONALIST PARTY

by Dubian Ade


It was nearing the end of the Spanish-American War in 1898. After 400 years of Spanish colonial domination, Spain had finally granted Puerto Rico it's autonomy through the Carta de Autonomía. As the United States closed in on the island, The Macheteros de Puerto Rico, a loose band of Puerto Rican militants fought to defend the hope of a new nation. With relative success they were able to repel U.S forces.

Spain however, lost the war. With the signing of the Treaty of Paris the U.S laid claim to Puerto Rico even though it was no longer a Spanish territory. Puerto Rico was immediately annexed and without any elections Charles Herbert Allen was appointed the first U.S Governor of Puerto Rico.

Puerto Rico was now a United States colony. At the expense of the Puerto Rican people, Allen opened up the island to U.S business ventures. Allen himself resigned in 1901 so that he could be president of America Sugar Refinery Company, which soon became the largest sugar-refining company in the world. In a 30 year period most of Puerto Rico's arable land had been converted to sugar plantations. American Sugar Refinery Company, which would later be renamed Domino, owned virtually all of these plantations.

A group of members from the Union Party of Puerto Rico separated from the party and joined with two pro-independence organizations. On September 17th , 1922 the Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico was formed.

Pedro Albizu Campos

Internal strife between leaders over how the party should be run weakened the organization for some years until Pedro Albizu Campos was elected president in 1930. Campos would hold the position until his death in 1965.

Under Campos' direction, the Puerto Rican Nationalist Party became unwavering in its stance for independence and nationalization where other organizations lightened on their views. The Partido Nacionalista de Puerto Rico advocated for the independence of Puerto Rico by any means necessary, including armed force. The Party's revolutionary position would come to have a profound affect on the Puerto Rican people.


17 January 2016

DR. MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. HATES YOU



Now is the time of year when we remember Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. Liberal white supremacists come out of the woodwork to perpetuate colorblind racism. Uncle Toms gather around to talk about how far we have come. Middle class people of color tell youth to pull their pants up.

MLK celebrations happen all across the country. Everywhere people are holding hands and sing "this little light of mine." Program agendas ask "what would Dr.Martin Luther King Jr. say if he could see us today?"

It has become a day to celebrate progress. Yet you couldn't hear freedom ring if it came out the barrel of a gun shot in your head handcuffed execution style.

From Birmingham to Selma we remember Dr. Martin Luther King's adventures. Place him next to Gandhi and Jesus. Burn candles and sing for King's second coming. Oprah Winfrey dips into a bowl of croutons and laughs. Al Sharpton holds his hand to his heart and sobs.

There is talk of Obama and marches on Washington, and freedom coming down like a mighty stream. The Black elite blow their noses and pay homage to the Dream. Stepping on the necks of poor Black people "If it wasn't for Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. I wouldn't be where I am at today."

White supremacist want to be judged by the content of their domination. They regurgitate MLK quotes to keep people of color in place. "Now remember, boy, Dr. Martin Luther King said, 'hate cannot drive out hate.' Now wait a minute there, boy, Martin Luther King said, 'an eye for an eye will leave everyone blind.'"

White liberals in Martin Luther King tee shirts sing "we shall overcome" loud enough to drown out the cries of black people dying in the streets.

This January 18th, The Decolonizer says: Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. hates you.

The Decolonizer knows there will be a rush to social media to post your favorite MLK quotes, wait at your computer for likes, and feel good about your complacency in white supremacist settler colonial domination. Here is an alternative list of #QuotesbyMLK:

"The activity of Negro forces, while heroic in some instances, and impressive in other sporadic situations, lacked consistency and militancy to fill the void left by government defaults."

"The principle of self-defense, even involving weapons and bloodshed, has never been condemned."

"When the Negro uses force in self-defense he does not forfeit support- he may even win it, by the courage and self-respect it reflects."

"It is unfortunately true that however the Negro acts, his struggle will not be free of violence initiated by his enemies, and he will need ample courage and willingness to sacrifice to defeat this manifestation of violence."

"Over the last few years many Negros have felt that their most troublesome adversary was not the obvious bigot of the Ku Klux Klan or the John Birch Society, but the white liberal who is more devoted to 'order' than to justice, who prefers tranquility to equality."


"The amazing thing about the ghetto is that so few Negros have rioted."





THE DECOLONIZER
January 2016

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THE DECOLONIZER, JANUARY 2016